PERSPECTIVES: Politics is not a spectator sport (01/30/00)

PERSPECTIVES

by Andrew Fedynsky

Politics is not a spectator sport

When I was growing up in Cleveland in the 1950s and '60s, the Ukrainian community would gather every year at Lincoln High School on the closest Sunday to January 22 to commemorate the 1918 declaration of Ukrainian independence.

The program was always the same. It opened with a tenor or soprano singing "The Star Spangled Banner" with a heavy accent and ended with a prayer and the Ukrainian national anthem. In between, children would recite some poetry. A choir sang. A lady in a long, dark gown played a piano selection, while an assistant turned the pages on the notes. Then a visiting dignitary or professor delivered a speech with the obligatory recitation of the Ukrainian Central Rada's "Fourth Universal": "From this day forth, Ukraine is an independent, sovereign nation, subordinate to no one."

Finally, a local politician paid tribute to the Ukrainian American community and pledged support for Ukraine's independence - in our case, it was usually Congressman Michael Feighan. He was looking for votes and Omer Miles, president of Cleveland's United Ukrainian Organizations, made sure he got them. The congressman had earned them. He had done his homework and bothered to come.

The congressman knew, I'm sure, that there were no prospects for Ukraine's independence. The Soviet Union was a nuclear power on the march. It controlled half of Europe, including Ukraine, and three-quarters of Asia. Ukrainian Americans knew it, too. The Iron Curtain had slammed shut, cutting off many of Europe's great capitals - Prague, Budapest, Warsaw, Kyiv, Moscow, East Berlin. Getting a letter from family in Ukraine was a minor miracle.

Still, the January 22 ritual was important to our parents and their generation. In those bleak years of the Cold War it was proof that Ukraine - independent once - could again be a country in its own right. In the 1950s and '60s, that wasn't easy to accept, but the Ukrainian community believed and made us, their children, believe.

Not only did they make us believe, they made the political establishment believe as well. Like Rep. Feighan, elected officials in dozens of communities where Ukrainians lived made the annual pledge on January 22 to support Ukrainian independence. City councils passed resolutions, mayors issued proclamations, congressmen delivered speeches from the House and Senate floor, the White House released a Captive Nations Resolution.

Over time, the symbolic moved almost seamlessly to the substantive - the plight of Ukrainian dissidents, the Commission on the Ukraine Famine, a sailor trying to defect, a nuclear reactor poisoning the atmosphere - these all became high-level issues involving the Congress, the White House, the State Department. Like water dripping on a granite cliff, all the spoken words, the resolutions, proclamations, letters, petitions did their work.

When the time came and the world watched communism collapse under the accumulated weight of its crimes and incompetence, the American political establishment, with few exceptions, embraced Ukraine's independence and moved to support the young democracy. From the perspective of hindsight, it all had a certain inevitability to it. From a seat at Lincoln High in the 1950s and '60s, it was more like Don Quixote's "Impossible Dream."

For all its weaknesses and shortcomings, Ukraine is now a serious player in world affairs. Speaking on January 19, Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright declared it is in America's interest to have Ukraine succeed, and listed the country as one of four key U.S. foreign policy priorities in 2000. The issues for U.S. leaders today, though, are far more complex than they were when politicians made promises they never thought they'd be called upon to honor.

Today the United States and Ukraine are engaged in a growing web of economic, military, political, cultural and other relations. Most of it is at a government-to-government level, supported by generous infusions of financial aid. This is nothing new. The United States was very generous to Europe after World War II and continues to help countries like Israel and Egypt, Greece and Turkey maintain secure and peaceful relations within their respective regions and with the American people. Actually, the private-sector dealings these nations have with the U.S. and other countries dwarf the assistance offered by the American taxpayer, and the expectation is that Ukraine will someday become a stable, democratic and commercially viable member of the world community that no longer needs American aid. A lot of that is up to Ukraine itself.

In the meantime, I applaud Ms. Albright for offering to help, not only because of my emotional ties forged at all those January 22 commemorations, but also because Ukraine is strategically important. Its independence makes all of Europe more secure.

Now, with the 2000 presidential election upon us, allow me put on my political hat and urge everyone to get involved - just like the Ukrainian community did in the hopeless days of the 1950s, when Communism not only looked strong, it threatened to prevail. "We will bury you!" Nikita Khrushchev thundered.

And many feared he just might - but not the intrepid members of the Ukrainian American community. Every year they commemorated a time when the good guys won and voiced the belief in better days ahead. The politicians claimed to share their naive faith that Ukraine would again be independent, and, miracle of miracles, history justified that faith.

Americans, by and large, are not single-issue voters and those of Ukrainian heritage are no different. They look at a variety of issues and size up the candidate, assessing intangible qualities like leadership and courage. Still, most people feel strongly about something, whether it's gun ownership, support for Israel or Ireland, school prayer, Social Security or health care. A candidate's stance on a particular issue can strongly influence their ultimate choice. One of my good friends calls it a "gut issue." That's how most Ukrainian Americans feel about Ukraine, and it's okay. It's in America's interest. So before I consider voting for someone for president, I'd like him to be able to articulate a position on Ukraine that makes sense to me and to the United States.

American politics is a hands-on, participatory process. Ukrainian immigrants grasped this soon after they got off the boat. That's why they made us, their children, sit through the January 22 commemorations and listen to Rep. Feighan and a thousand other politicians take the pledge on Ukrainian independence. And you know what? It helped to change history. You gotta believe - that's what vision's all about. You also get to vote - that's what elections are for. And the beautiful thing about America is you get to participate.

| Home Page |