ANALYSIS
Yushchenko hazy on future policies
by Jan Maksymiuk
RFE/RL Belarus and Ukraine Report
Some critics of Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who are sympathetically concerned about his chances to win the October 31 presidential election, have begun to complain that Mr. Yushchenko is too passive - or even inexcusably late - in promoting his presidential bid in general and presenting his vision of Ukraine after a possible victory in particular.
This deficiency is particularly worrisome, they argue, considering the fact that Mr. Yushchenko, in contrast to his anticipated main rival - Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych - cannot count on a full-fledged and objective promotional campaign on the country's television channels and radio stations, which are mostly controlled by the government or pro-government oligarchs.
An extended interview with Mr. Yushchenko posted on the Ukrainska Pravda website on May 5 was seemingly intended to qualm some of the aforementioned worries. However, the interview may disappoint readers looking for clear-cut answers about how Ukraine under a President Yushchenko might differ from that under President Leonid Kuchma. At worst, Mr. Yushchenko was vague, ambiguous and nebulous in the interview, and at best his pronouncements were reserved and non-committal.
Asked whether he still hopes that Our Ukraine can field a joint presidential candidate with the Socialist Party headed by Oleksander Moroz, Mr. Yushchenko said this is possible but added immediately that Mr. Moroz - under the influence of "intrigues" - has begun to drift away from the opposition and the accords that were concluded by Our Ukraine, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the Socialists and the Communists nearly a year ago.
"It is natural to a certain extent that our accords were abandoned by the Communists," Mr. Yushchenko said. "There are differences between us and the Communists in regard to answering the question: 'What will happen after the change of authorities?' "
"Undoubtedly, Oleksander Moroz seems to be a sympathetic political partner," Mr. Yushchenko continued. "But his behavior in recent months has allowed ... those in the top echelons of power to begin serious manipulations regarding the use of the Socialist Party during the election."
Mr. Yushchenko rejected the notion that for the opposition "it will be very difficult or even impossible" to win the presidential election without a coalition with Mr. Moroz.
Asked whether he is ready to offer the post of prime minister to Ms. Tymoshenko in exchange for her bloc's backing of his presidential bid, Mr. Yushchenko said "everything is possible," but remained noncommittal.
"I will say openly - bargaining for posts does not harmonize relations [between politicians], while principles do," he noted. "If I took out a paper from my drawer and publicized prepared initiatives, and if these initiatives became my position or the position of my bloc, we would become witnesses to some unhealthy things."
Asked whether he will launch a process of "re-privatization" - redistribution of property in Ukraine because of many allegedly unlawful privatizations in the past - after his possible presidential victory, Mr. Yushchenko replied that he does not like words such as "nationalization" or "re-privatization."
"I am convinced that the election will be won by the politician who will say: '... I am not so much interested in history as in what will happen after October 31 in this country," Mr. Yushchenko said.
"I am speaking about principles. I do not want people to think that I personify problems in this country," Mr. Yushchenko added in response to the suggestion that if he becomes president he might punish - with "re-privatization" - his most bitter political opponents, Viktor Medvedchuk and Hryhorii Surkis.
The Our Ukraine leader declared that he would pursue political reform in the country if he was elected president. "I think the most efficient way [to pursue reform] would be to formulate principles of political reform and time frames for its implementation, as well as sign to accords with partners for its realization in the Parliament and publish these documents before the presidential election," Mr. Yushchenko explained.
Asked whether he could offer guarantees of security and protection for President Leonid Kuchma after his departure, Mr. Yushchenko suggested that this issue should be regulated within the wider context of democratization in Ukraine. "This is the main principle, which has a lot of details, including that connected with a law on security and social stability of the man whom we call the president of Ukraine," Mr. Yushchenko said. "I am speaking not about President Kuchma but about the president of Ukraine. ... You know, many countries have a law that regulates the status of the president. Ukraine does not have such a law, and its adoption could provide answers to a number of detailed things."
Jan Maksymiuk is the Belarus and Ukraine specialist on the staff of RFE/RL Newsline.
Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, May 23, 2004, No. 21, Vol. LXXII
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