FOR THE RECORD: Testimony on "Ukraine's future and U.S. interests"
Following are excerpts of testimony by Ihor Gawdiak, president of the Ukrainian American Coordinating Council, and Michael Sawkiw Jr., president of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, submitted on May 12, during the hearing on "Ukraine's Future and United States Interests" held by the Subcommittee on Europe of the Committee on International Relations of the House of Representatives.
Ihor Gawdiak, UACC:
Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the committee, I am Ihor Gawdiak, President of the Ukrainian American Coordinating Council. The Council began as an umbrella organization made up of numerous organizations within the Ukrainian American community focused on cultural and social issues of interest to the entire community. Since Ukraine's independence the Council's focus has turned primarily toward fostering democracy, the rule of law and economic prosperity in Ukraine and facilitating closer ties between the United States and Ukraine.
...Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to submit this statement and thank you sincerely for holding this hearing on the situation in Ukraine. I will be clear; we believe the United States' national interests require immediate focused attention to events in Ukraine and a major change in American policy. If our policies and approach to Ukraine do not change and those changes are not implemented now, our interests in Eastern Europe most likely will be damaged for years to come. It would not be alarmist to say that if Ukraine's election can be manipulated a reconstituted "union" will not be far off with all of its complications and challenges to peace and harmony in Europe and beyond. Action is needed now! And there are actions that can be taken.
As this committee knows, this is a year of consequence in Ukraine. Ukraine's presidential election campaign ends with balloting on October 31 and the outcome could set the course for Ukraine and for U.S. interests in the region for generations to come. At this critical stage in the election campaign we are alarmed by our country's approach to this election. What is our cause for alarm?
The president of Ukraine, his administration, his assorted colleagues and the interests vested in Ukraine's current stagnant and corrupt government apparatus, are rigging the entire election process and they are deaf to the cautious, diplomatic eloquence of American statements of concern. Essentially these people are immune to Foreign Service niceties.
Why are the vested interests so afraid of openness and fairness, so antagonistic to free elections? They cringe at the reality of public opinion. In the last parliamentary election, despite the manipulations of official Ukraine, opposition reformers won the largest contingent in the Ukrainian Parliament. This was not expected or hoped for. The reality set in that the citizens of Ukraine want what we Americans know all people want - freedom and opportunities - opportunities the vested interests currently in control of Ukraine are determined not to provide.
The results of the parliamentary election and the overwhelming evidence that the most popular politician in Ukraine is the reformer Viktor Yushchenko frighten Ukraine's entrenched powers. Now that Yushchenko is running for the presidency, the authorities have become paranoid and aggressive to the point of clumsy outrages in their efforts to rig the election. But, no matter how obvious, blatant and clumsy they are, they will succeed in denying the people of Ukraine their honest election unless it is made crystal clear that those in power will suffer unequivocal and adverse consequences if the election campaign is not immediately made fair and transparent.
Fair elections are critical to Ukraine and to American interests in the region. Fairness will only come when the United States recognizes the nature of the people with whom it is dealing and takes aggressive action to assert its stated policy of wanting the election to be open and free. Ukrainian authorities will only modify their despicable behavior when they know the United States is serious and feel the reality that their corruption will have serious adverse consequences on their government's and their personal interests with the West.
Mr. Chairman, we do share the administration's view that the United States should not have a "favorite" candidate in Ukraine's presidential election, that our national interest is in a free, fair and transparent election. Whoever is to be elected should be the choice for the people of Ukraine. However, we do believe the United States must take the lead in pressing for a fair election process through an American policy that makes this year's crucial election the top priority in U.S.-Ukrainian relations. ...
Time is running out; it is late in the season but it is not too late.
So far, the administration has expressed concerns about the election irregularities [in Mukachiv]. It reports having had tough and direct private conversations with President Kuchma and other Ukrainian officials. The administration has a tag-team of officials traveling to Kyiv to raise concerns and all of this will surely be covered in Ambassador Pifer's testimony today.
However, Ukrainian reality is not changing. Nothing is changing for a number of reasons. These include the Ukrainian administration's belief that President Kuchma's having sent 1,650 troops to Iraq allows them to continue to carry out the outrages of blatant election manipulation and to safely ignore any negative American reaction. For instance, many of the power brokers in Ukraine are not particularly concerned about American or Western reaction, their interests lie in mutually beneficial financial relationships within the old Soviet bloc. There are those in Ukraine who feel they can have it both ways - good relationships with the repressive elements of the Old Soviet bloc and with the West.
So far, the calculations of these thugs has proved to be accurate. Private admonishments and erudite press releases mean nothing to them. So far, they see our policy regarding the election as a joke - maybe something said to placate the diaspora but nothing that directly has a negative impact on them.
The diaspora is not satisfied so easily. All Americans, in fact, should also realize that the United States, national interests lie in having a free, strong, independent and democratic Ukraine, with a mutually beneficial relationship with the U.S. Such a Ukraine could be a critical, strategic linchpin for peace and cultural understandings in Eastern Europe.
We - the United States - have too much at stake to tolerate the current marginalized policies toward Ukraine. ...
The administration - through the White House and Department of State - and the Congress - should increase the volume of public statements denouncing the election law and civil rights violations.
The administration should abandon the practice of saving its harshest criticisms for closed door sessions. The administration should make its criticisms clear to the people of Ukraine. Currently, well-worded statements have been issued but are never carried in the controlled Ukrainian media. As far as the citizens are concerned, nothing of consequence has ever been said and that must mean everything is OK with the United States.
The administration criticisms must make it clear that the United States wants free and fair elections, and the criticism must include the entire campaign season and that at this point the campaign/election process is corrupt and must be fixed immediately.
High-level and continuing delegations should be sent to Ukraine by the Administration and Congress - and maybe others like the Association of Former Members - to deliver clear and unequivocal messages about the election and that the way this current election is run will determine the course of U.S.-Ukrainian relations and relations with international organizations in which the United States participates. These delegations should, upon their return, publicly brief this committee and maybe other committees so that the American public record is clear and current about the election situation in Ukraine.
Oligarchs and other manipulators of the election should be identified and be made to understand that their actions will have personal consequences. People who see to it that candidates and political parties are denied access to the media, for example, will be on the visa blacklist. It is critical that these malfeasants understand the U.S. reaction will be personal.
Everything possible should be done to discourage prominent Americans, certainly public officials, from accepting invitations from Ukrainian sources prior to election day. It has been the practice of people in power to seek legitimacy by association with prominent Americans. This "use" of well intentioned people is, among other things, terribly disheartening to the true Ukrainian democrats who have their message undercut by manipulation. In this regard the Committee might offer at least a word of caution to former President George H.W. Bush who apparently has accepted an invitation later this month to visit Ukraine as a guest of Viktor Pinchuk, President Kuchma's son-in-law. We do not necessarily here question Mr. Pinchuk's motives. We do however, believe that our president's father being hosted in Ukraine by a prominent member of President Kuchma's family could be a symbolic disaster and certainly undercut the democratic opposition's message to the people of Ukraine.
Although Ukraine is qualified for the lifting of the Jackson-Vanik restrictions, this committee and the Congress might indicate that such restrictions and other standards of an improved bilateral relationship will only be available to Ukraine if the current, ongoing election campaign and the conduct of election day are deemed to be free, open and fair.
Mr. Chairman, I conclude noting that Ukraine's future as a democratic nation hangs in the balance. We know the choice on October 31 belongs to the people of Ukraine, their right to vote freely after a fair campaign is the entire issue. For their interests and for our own national interests we must do everything we can to ensure that the people of Ukraine receive full and fair coverage of the candidates and the national political parties, and that they have the opportunity to cast their votes free of oppression, intimidation and interference. The Iron Curtain fell. It is time the people of Ukraine have a fair opportunity to vote on the direction they want their country to take. This will not happen if current U.S. policies and practice toward Ukraine continue.
Michael Sawkiw Jr., UCCA:
...The objectives of peace, stability and democracy in Central and East Europe are enhanced only because the United States remains committed and engaged in a strategic partnership with Ukraine. Should Congress stay the course, investing in a strong and democratic Ukraine, the goal of stability in a turbulent region will be within reach. In the 21st century, the United States will have no better ally in Central Europe than Ukraine, and our engagement invested in Ukraine shall achieve historic gains. In the words of The Wall Street Journal: "The U.S. and its allies have much to gain by nudging Ukraine, one of Europe's largest countries, toward economic viability. For one thing, it could resist revanchist tendencies among those Russians who would like to restore the Russian empire."
Ukraine, as one of the largest and most populous European countries that emerged as an independent state following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, has been marred by many problems, including an economic crisis and high-level corruption. Nevertheless, substantial progress was achieved in many areas including the closure of the Chornobyl nuclear power facility; voluntarily dismantling the world's third largest nuclear arsenal; the emergence of an active civil society; freedom of religion; support for national minorities; freedom of movement; and, freedom of expression.
In the subsequent decade of its renewed independence, Ukraine faced many challenges including an economic crisis and corruption. Nevertheless, it has been able to recover from the initial depression and currently advances rather steadily in its goal of European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The Ukrainian economy continues to grow, the government has implemented significant changes in legislation to improve cooperation with the West, while the investment climate continues to improve and other changes are being made to transform Ukraine into a Western-like democracy. Increased economic stability in Ukraine serves as a basis for the improvement of its democratic governance system. However, there remain issues that Ukraine continues to combat.
...If recent events in Ukraine are indicative of what lays ahead, the October 31, 2004, elections for president may determine whether Ukraine becomes a Western-style democracy respectful of its citizens' rights and allied with the West, or a former Soviet republic re-absorbed into an authoritarian "sphere of influence" by Ukraine's neighbor Russia. Thus, the strategic and economic dividends from continued U.S. engagement with Ukraine can be virtually limitless. In fact, Ukraine's strategic partnership with the United States represents the key to Ukraine's continued economic and political reform.
...continued support from the United States would instill sustained political and economic viability in Ukraine, thus eliminating revanchist tendencies in neighboring Russia to restore its lost empire. As recently as several weeks ago, Jackson Diehl from The Washington Post wrote: "As giant Ukraine goes, so, likely will slip most of the other former Soviet states that now live uneasily between the expanding European Union and Russia...Putin and the former-KGB circle around him would like to fold them all into a new bloc dominated by Moscow and able to bargain as a quasi-equal with the EU and NATO. That's why it's not surprising that Putin's allies in Ukraine are on the offensive, employing the same tactics here [in Ukraine]...that succeeded in eliminating the democratic opposition in Moscow like the shutdown of independent media and prosecution of businessmen who finance non-government parties."
With engagement from the United States and other Western countries, Ukraine has been very successful in developing a civil society, which as a result has become increasingly vocal, active and influential in the development of democratic institutions and behavior. Having been involved in Ukraine's political life as a civic educator since the early days of independence, the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA) has established close contacts with a wide network of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) throughout Ukraine. Our organization has successfully implemented multiple comprehensive civic education programs geared toward voter education and awareness that emphasize citizen's rights and responsibilities. Throughout the years of our involvement, the UCCA ensured that every project implemented transfers Western experience and skills to Ukrainian NGOs. We develop our programs to assist in the building of civic organizations that are self-sufficient, active, and as a result become an integral sector of the developing political process. Similar approaches have been implemented by various organizations that are involved in the democracy-building process in Ukraine. It has proven to be a great success and as a result Ukrainian NGOs continue to improve the quality of their work and advocacy.
Nevertheless, Ukrainian NGOs are faced with an insurmountable problem of establishing a network through which to receive financial support from various groups whose interests they represent. Although small- and medium-sized business is developing, Ukraine's economic arena is still dominated by big business oligarchs. At this critical juncture in the history of Ukraine's new democracy, a failure to support the rights of the Ukrainian electorate to an informed choice in the upcoming presidential election will have profound repercussions not only in Ukraine, but also in the currently transforming face of Europe. The success of Ukraine as a dependable partner for the United States will largely depend on the election of a new president, freely chosen by its 50 million citizens, and not by the dictates of a few. The United States and other members of the international democratic community need to remain involved in pre-election programs and provide the Ukrainian NGO community with effective financial assistance that will allow them to become self-sufficient.
Presently, Ukraine is at a crossroads. The results of the October presidential elections will decide whether it will irreversibly commit itself to democratic reforms and European integration, or become an authoritarian state, in which the rule of law is compromised to the advantage of those in power. A free, fair and transparent election this year is the only guarantee to further democratic development.
The Ukrainian American community praises the past efforts and commitment of the United States Congress to ensure that Ukraine develops into a truly democratic state with a free-market economy. H.Con.Res. 415 expresses a sense of Congress regarding the upcoming presidential elections in Ukraine, yet limits its strategic focus toward Ukraine. In the last 13 years of Ukraine's regained independence, with the help of the United States Congress, the nation of Ukraine has successfully avoided inter-ethnic conflicts, overcome a massive economic crisis, and most importantly has begun to regain confidence in itself as an essential element of its state's political process. Following her trip to Ukraine in February 2004, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright penned a New York Times op-ed article clearly articulating the role of the United States toward Ukraine. She writes: "So what should the United States do to encourage democracy in Ukraine? First speak out...President Bush and cabinet officials need to insist on free and fair elections and they need to do it soon...Senior officials should visit Ukraine, and other opportunities will come this June when leaders of the Group of 8 industrialized nations, the European Union, and NATO meet...Saving democracy in Ukraine belongs on that agenda." It is the consensus of the Ukrainian American community that the United States not suspend its assistance at this most critical juncture for Ukraine, but rather continue its engagement and support until Ukraine secures its ever-growing democracy.
Members of the Subcommittee, Ukraine is at a crossroads. Ensuring free and fair presidential elections in Ukraine is paramount to further democratic development, as the October 31, 2004, race will determine Ukraine's future course. The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America humbly suggests the following priorities for U.S. foreign policy toward Ukraine:
...U.S. assistance must be extended to the NGO community prior to and following the presidential elections to ensure that the civic community is strengthened and the democratic process continues. Such assistance should also be extended to the independent news media outlets in Ukraine in an effort to allow for an equal playing field for all presidential candidates.
Providing assistance to ensure a free and fair election on the day of the vote is also essential. It is important for the Ukrainian people to see that foreign governments, in particular the United States, not only provide declaratory statements encouraging free and fair elections, but actively participate in the elections as observers. An official U.S. delegation of International Election Observers will serve that purpose and facilitate a better relationship between the United States and Ukraine. We respectfully urge you to recommend such action to your colleagues and organize an official delegation of International Election Observers for October 31, 2004, as well as during the campaign period itself.
Ukraine has reached a decisive stage in its transitional development. The international community, interested in ensuring peace and furthering the tenets of democracy in the region, has provided significant assistance in helping Ukraine overcome its Soviet legacy and integrate into European and Euro-Atlantic structures; however, we urge the members of the House International Relations Committee to continue their involvement in Ukraine prior to and following the October 31, 2004, elections. United Press International correspondent Robin Shepherd eloquently suggested in an analysis of Ukraine on May 11, 2004: "What Ukraine needs from the wider world is a healthy dose of the carrot and stick formula which worked so well for the eight former Communist countries which joined the European Union on May 1. A clear signal from Brussels [one may also add here Washington, op. cit.] that Ukraine would be welcomed in as soon as it meets the standards expected of a member of the European Union could work wonders in mobilizing and enthusing the democratic opposition." ...
Copyright © The Ukrainian Weekly, June 20, 2004, No. 25, Vol. LXXII
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